Eng looks at queer liberalism
through a reading of legal cases, in particular Lawrence and Garner v. Texas.
He describes queer liberalism as, “a particular confluence of political
and economic conditions that form the basis of liberal inclusion, rights, and
recognitions for particular gay and lesbian U.S. citizen-subjects willing and
able to comply with its normative mandates”(24). He uses this reading of Lawrence to examine how queer incorporation into respectability politics
and legal recognition functions through the forgetting of race and complicity
with the domestic, heteronormative family. Eng examines how queer liberalism is
innately tied to neoliberalism and nation-building, where the production and
incorporation of liberal citizens justifies the exclusions of other, typically
racialized, non-heteronormative subjects.
This situates his examination of the intersections of racial and sexual
hierarchies in case law, and the explicit and unspoken histories that shaped
the Lawrence case. He poses the
question: “how does the contemporary emergence of queer liberalism depend upon
a constitutive forgetting of race—on the racialization of intimacy”(36)? The interrelationship of sexual freedoms and
racial histories reveals the neoliberal shift to understanding race through color-blindness
and cultural difference, and racial equality as an already realized,
historical, liberal freedom. Eng
destabilizes the notion of liberal “progress,” and insists upon an
intersectional reading of race and sexuality to better examine the contradictions
of queer liberal freedoms and the persistence of racial oppression. He notes
how intimacy enables queer recognition with the state, as this concept is connected
to whiteness, racialized histories of property, and heternormative family
forms. Finally, Eng’s section on global frameworks
links queer citizenship to justifications for US imperial expansion, and reflects
Puar’s analysis of US exceptionalism.
This week’s queer of color
critiques week reveal the intersections and co-construction of race and
sexuality as they relate to nationalism, liberal citizenship, and
imperialism. These analyses are
particularly useful for drawing attention to sexuality, even when it is not
operating in overt ways, and as Ferguson demonstrates, this, “has significance
for how we might understand sexuality as a mode of racialized governmentality
and power”(89). The readings allow for a
broad definition of queerness, connected not just to sexual identity, but a
variety of non-heteronormative subjects.
Ferguson and Eng offer convincing historical readings to develop the
connections of race, sexuality, and nation.
They also provide an interesting look at the ways in which normativity
and incorporation into citizenship is premised on the exclusions of others,
revealing the violence of liberal inclusions and the structural conditions and
contradictions of neoliberalism. The
discussions of liberal recognition brought to mind Simpson’s work, and although
the readings this week do not address the specifics of settler colonialism,
there is some overlap in the critiques of liberal rights, as well as the way
this can be linked to US imperialist projects.
I’m interested in what liberal
recognition forecloses and Eng’s discussion of queer assimilationist
politics. Eng asks, “does this turn to
marriage make it more difficult to imagine and live alternative kinship
structures”(57)? I find it interesting
to think through these potential foreclosures, and how they might relate to
racialized, non-heteronormative kinship structures. How might queer subjects resist modes of
recognition and incorporation into liberal citizenship, and can these
negotiations be reflected in a queer of color methodology?
I also have a clarification question and would
like to talk more about Puar’s use of assemblages, as well as her reading of
intersectionality, and what assemblages can offer as a methodological tool.
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