Relevance to the Text Generally
Over the course the
readings for this week, the information presented throughout the articles has
largely focused on the imperial project of the West, and particularly of the
United States, through detailed discussions of the involvement of the United
States in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the mid-twentieth century, as
well as other imperial and colonial counterinsurgency efforts. Additionally,
the articles discussed the impact of the engagement of the United States in
those projects, drawing particular attention to the intersections between
feminism and the participation of the United States in a number of armed
conflicts following the conclusion of the Second World War. While the following
post cannot successfully engage with the specificities of all of those complex
discussions, this post attempts to think through one of the primary concepts embedded
with the work presented by Mohanty et al., Felman, and Khalili over the course
of the readings – namely, the way in which the study of imperialism, or the
involvement of the state in imperial projects, can contribute to an understanding
of the lived experiences of particular individuals or groups. In turn, this
post aims to explore the implications of that analysis, with a particular focus
on the conversation concerning the women’s issues and feminism, and endeavors
to address the potential ways in which that work relates to my emerging
research.
Throughout their
discussion concerning the complicated ways in which “those in pursuit and
justification of [United States] wars continue to use gender, sexuality, race, [and]
class” (Mohanty et al. 2008:2), Mohanty et al. reflect on the relationship
between imperialist actions and feminism. Specifically, Mohanty et al. suggest
that the United States has “gendered, racialized, and sexualized” (Mohanty et
al. 2008:3) its practice of imperialist wars, or wars fought “through military
and economic policy to advance and consolidate the profit-driven system of
capitalism” (Mohanty et al. 2008:3), in an effort to justify the involvement of
the country in conflicts both at home and abroad. In particular, Mohanty et al.
state that the attempt to save women and civilize men of color has become the
rationalization for the involvement of the United States in armed conflicts
throughout the Middle East, including Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the persistent
war on drugs. Effectively, through the use of discourse that valorizes the
impetus for the initial and continued participation of the United States in
those conflicts, the nation is able to legitimize its involvement in those
endless wars (Mohanty et al. 2008:4). In turn, Mohanty et al. posit that in
order to understand the impact of the imperial projects initiated by the United
States, and specifically the impact upon women, it is necessary to first
examine the “power dynamics and relations of rule that constitute the globe and
specifically an imperial [United States] within it” (Mohanty et al. 2008:5).
Consequently, it is important to contend with the effects of the imperial wars
waged by the United States across the world in an effort to make sense of the
way in which “women of many races, ethnicities, nationalities, and religions
around the world…experience war” (Mohanty et al. 2008:5). In many ways, the
argument made over the course of the introduction to Feminism and War: Confronting US Imperialism echoes the assertions
made by Lila Abu-Lughod in her article “Do Muslim Women Really Need Saving?”,
in which she suggests that the United States justified extended involvement in
the Middle East, broadly writ, beginning in the early 2000s through the presentation
and depiction of women throughout the region as ‘repressed’, ‘oppressed’, and
‘backwards’ (Abu-Lughod 2002).
Application to Real or Imagined Project(s)
The discussion presented
by Mohanty et al. concerning the effect of the imperialist involvement of the
United States upon the lives of women, the understanding of gender, and
feminist issues and engagement is useful in the context of my own developing
project. My emergent research is focused on female activist organizations in
Jordan, and the relationship between the development of the modern Jordanian
state since the mid-twentieth century and both the historical and contemporary
capacity for female advocacy organizations throughout the country, through the
lens of extant legal provisions in the Jordanian Penal Code (Articles 98, 340)
that allow perpetrators of so-called honor crimes to receive mitigated
sentences. In beginning foundational research for this project, I have come
across several sources which have suggested that the emergence of female
activist organizations engaged in the conversation regarding honor-based
violence throughout Jordan in 1945, which coincided with the nation’s
independence, was a lasting vestige of Western imperial involvement throughout
the region and a reflection of a Western perception of the treatment of women
in the Middle East, and was consequently not a true representation of the
opinions of majority of Jordanian women.
While I have not done anywhere near the amount of research that is necessary to
provide an analysis of that particular analytic framework one way or the other,
the methodological framework presented by Mohanty et al. provides a foundation
for the assessment of the impact of the involvement of the West in the
formation of Jordan in the mid-twentieth century, which will serve to
compliment the analysis concerning the role of the Jordanian state in the
emergence and operation of female advocacy organizations throughout the
country.
Discussion Question(s)
In what ways can this
methodology be applied? Is it enough to acknowledge the possible impactions of
United States imperialism, and how does that acknowledgement shape or impact
the research that can be accomplished/how does it alter the way in which
research is done?
Spill-over Questions (from last week)
I think that someone
brought this up at the end of class (and I apologize for not remembering who as
well as for the fact that I might have interpreted that final question
incorrectly) –
The articles from both
last week concerning queer identity and American exceptionalism and the
articles from this week regarding gender identity, feminism, and the
involvement of the United States in armed conflicts abroad focused on the
imperialism of the United States and the way in which the country justifies its
participation in foreign wars, and while I do not disagree with the fundamental
argument made by the articles in any way, I have been thinking about how one
can, for example, struggle with claiming a queer identity and through the
process of coming out without potentially perpetuating the perception that such
a process is embedded within the imperialist projects of the United States or
the notion of exceptionalism that serves to justify United States imperialism.
I don’t know if this thought really makes sense yet, but it is something that I
have been mulling over, and felt like this would be an appropriate place to voice
questions concerning the ambiguous implications of the readings.
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