Emilie Glass - Blog
Week 3 – Fictions of Feminist Ethnography
Throughout her book, Fictions
of Feminist Ethnography, Kamala Visweswaran argues “for the convergence of
two distinct epistemological shifts, on where gender ceases to hold the center
of feminist theory, and one where the field fails to hold the center of
anthropology. One shift signals the failure of feminist thinking, and the
other, the failure of ethnography” (Visweswaran 1994: p 113). Her book focuses
on key components that make up what feminist ethnography might look like, using
both her own field notes as well as works from other A/anthropologists.
Visweswaran uses the actions of both subject and researcher
in order for the reader to envision what a feminist ethnography might look
like. Possibly the most compelling aspect of her work, for myself, is the way
in which both subject and researcher are given power in the ethnographic
process. I found it refreshing that not only did Visweswaran hold the
researcher accountable in the ways in which they engage with their subjects and
report their findings, but also that she recognized the ways in which the
subject holds power – through betrayal and refusing the subject, for example –
and the importance of these actions of power are in the ethnographic process.
Visweswaran describes how “a woman emerged out of a series
of performances and positionings” and warns “not to render the category ‘Woman’
intelligible through recourse to sociological variables as abstract
descriptions of reality” (76), and she also stakes the claim that, “insisting
on the primacy of class puts us back at the elementary critique of what
maintaining class at the center of materialist analysis excludes when other categories are subornidated to it” (92 –
emphasis the author’s). In other words, Visweswaran pushes the
researcher/reader to take into account positional identity instead of any
social indicator at the heart of what makes up a person’s identity.
In my own work, I interview both white people and people of
color as a white cis woman. I am particularly cognizant of the position of
power my race and gender place me in when I speak to my respondents, and as
such, Visweswaran’s work is relevant to my own. The fact that my respondents
mostly identify as women, or as midwives, or as doulas, does not make them “the
same” – I am unable to compare groups of my respondents to men, or doctors, for
example. The heart of my analysis comes from the comparison of my respondents
to each other because the “ways in which identity is sandwiched between home
and community, homogeneity and comfort, between skin, blood, heart” that makes
up who my respondents are, rather than being “women” (104).
Although Visweswaran doesn’t provide a “blueprint” on how to
“do” feminist ethnography, her theories around failure and what not to do are
helpful in my work. Through recognizing that “the displacement of the very
epistemological center of feminism (gender) means that we can no longer
describe women as women, but as subjects differently and sometimes primarily
constituted by race, class and sexuality,” I must move beyond the feminist
fallacy that the women in my study are a group that simply exists separately
from men, making them the same (99). Rather, I will work to recognize the other
factors that play into their social location and make their lived experience
what it is beyond their gender, or even race and class.
Discussion Question:
What is the nature of the feminist project? What does feminist ethnography look like - what is its blue print, if you will?
Discussion Question:
What is the nature of the feminist project? What does feminist ethnography look like - what is its blue print, if you will?
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